Business as Usual
by Paul & Phillip D. Collins ©, June 28th, 2007
It is now official: the U.S Justice Department will be looking into BAE Systems to see if the UK defense firm violated any anti-corruption laws (“US to probe BAE over corruption,” no pagination). Of particular interest to the DOJ is BAE’s business relationship with a member of the Saudi Royal family, Prince Bandar bin Sultan (Sullivan, no pagination). Beginning in 1985, Prince Bandar brokered a series of arms deals totaling $80 billion between Britain and Saudi Arabia (no pagination). This series of arms deals came to be known as the Al-Yamamah (which is, ironically, Arabic for dove) (no pagination). Two billion dollars of that money ended up lining Bandar’s own pockets (no pagination). Suspicions surrounding the deal led to an investigation conducted by the Serious Fraud Office that might have turned up evidence of slush funds and bribes (no pagination). However, in December of 2006, the British Government dropped the investigation with Tony Blair claiming it would jeopardize the strategic relationship between Britain and Saudi Arabia (no pagination).
But the fraud investigation may have turned up a whole lot more about Prince Bandar. Is Prince Bandar merely a greedy Royal in search of profit and monetary gain? Evidence suggests an even darker side to the Saudi Prince beyond bribery and fraud. The darker side involves the financing of terrorists. In the case of Prince Bandar, the terrorists in question are none other than the infamous 9/11 hijackers. Of course, the 9/11 attacks are considered to be watershed moments in history not just for America, but for the whole world as well. It was an event that opened the door for US imperialism abroad and police state measures at home, all in the name of fighting terrorism. Therefore, it is hard for some to imagine that Prince Bandar, an individual who presents himself as pro-America to the public, would be involved in such a heinous act. However, before dismissing the claim, please consider Prince Bandar’s ties to the mysterious Saudi named Omar al-Bayoumi.
When 9/11 hijackers Nawaf Alhazmi and Khalid Almidhar arrived at Los Angeles International Airport on New Years of 2000, it was al-Bayoumi who greeted them and then drove the two to a welcoming party in San Diego (“The Saudi Money Trail,” no pagination). Omar al-Bayoumi provided the two men with everything they required. He set them up with an apartment next to his own, paying for their first two months’ rent (no pagination). He helped them open a bank account and hooked them up with someone who could get them Social Security cards (no pagination). The most ominous thing Omar al-Bayoumi did for the two was help arrange for them to received flying lessons (no pagination). Then, two months before the 9/11 attacks, al-Bayoumi relocated to England (no pagination). Omar al-Bayoumi is certainly someone investigators would love to talk to. The only problem is they can’t. Several months after moving to England, al-Bayoumi disappeared altogether (no pagination).
The picture of al-Bayoumi painted by the evidence was one of an Al-Qaeda operative acting as an advance man for the hijackers (no pagination). But al-Bayoumi was not just connected to Al-Qaeda. He had also worked for Dallah Avco, the aviation services company owned by Prince Bandar’s father, Prince Sultan (no pagination). Two weeks after al-Bayoumi began assisting the two 9/11 hijackers, monthly cashier’s checks totaling ten of thousands of dollars started coming to al-Bayoumi’s wife (no pagination). The checks were from Princess Haifa bint Faisal, the wife of Prince Bandar (no pagination). Princess Haifa bint Faisal claimed she had no idea that the money was going to al-Bayoumi (no pagination). The Princess’ alibi was enough to satisfy the farcical 9/11 Commission and tug on the heartstrings of the gullible. According to her, the intended recipient of the cashier checks was Majeda Ibrahin Dweikat, a woman seeking monetary help to treat her thyroid condition (no pagination). Majeda would receive the checks and then sign them over to al-Bayoumi’s wife (no pagination). So Majeda was the terrorist financier, not the poor, unsuspecting Princess Haifa or Prince Bandar (no pagination).
The only problem is that Majeda’s husband, Osama Basnan, was known to be a “vocal Al-Qaeda sympathizer” (no pagination). According to a law enforcement official, shortly after the 9/11 attacks, Basnan “celebrated the heroes of September 11” and referred to September 11 as a “wonderful, glorious day” (no pagination). Basnan is also known to have “met with a high Saudi prince who has responsibilities for intelligence matters and is known to bring suitcases full of cash into the United States” (no pagination). This all makes Princess Haifa and Prince Bandar’s actions look less like charity and more like the financing of terror.
The British Defense Ministry knew all BAE’s secret payments to Prince Bandar (Sullivan, no pagination). As a matter of fact, the Defense Ministry actually authorized the payments (no pagination). This seems to suggest that Bandar is more than just a terrorist financier. He is also a very well connected man. The Prince is plugged into the American power elite, particularly George H.W. Bush. An example of collaboration between the two is the Contra War. In 1982, Congress passed the Boland Amendment, which prevented spending U.S. funds to overthrow the Nicaraguan government (Unger 63). In 1984, Prince Bandar struck up a deal with National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane that would allow the National Security Council to bypass Congress for the cash it needed to conduct covert operations in Nicaragua. Under Prince Bandar’s arrangement, the Contras would receive $1 million a month from the Saudis (63-4).
When the agreement was brought before the National Security Group, James Baker was dead set against it, arguing that soliciting money from Saudi Arabia could led to impeachment (64). Bush came to the defense of Bandar’s plan. Craig Unger elaborates:
But Vice President Bush took issue with that position and said there was nothing wrong with encouraging third parties to help the anti-Sandinistas so long as there was no explicit quid pro quo. ‘The only problem that might come up is if the United States were to promise these third parties something in return so that some people could interpret this as some kind of exchange,’ he said. Bush, after all, had been director of the CIA. The way to do it, he seemed to be saying, was for the United States to let the Saudis finance the contras. Afterward, the United States could then reward the Saudis for their loyalty, but the two events would have to happen without being explicitly tied to each other. (64)
The amount of money the Contras received from the Saudis reached over $32 million (64). To reward the Saudis for their help, Reagan invoked emergency measures to avoid Congressional restrictions on the sale of Stinger missiles. King Fahd and Prince Bandar secretly received four hundred Stinger missiles they had always wanted (64-5).
The Reagan-Bush administration also used Prince Bandar as an intermediary when they wanted to do business with Saddam Hussein (65). Essentially, Hussein was a CIA creation and the bastard child of the power elite. In 1959, Hussein was part a CIA-authorized six-man assassination squad (Sale, no pagination). This squad was supposed to kill then Iraqi Prime Minister Gen. Abd al-Karim Qasim (no pagination). Qasim was making moves to remove Iraq from the anti-Soviet Baghdad Pact (no pagination). This move threatened to hurt the stability of the Cold War dialectic the power elite had constructed. The assassination attempt failed and Saddam escaped to Tikrit with the help of the CIA (no pagination). Saddam would end up in Beirut living in an apertment paid for by the Agency (no pagination). The CIA then helped the future dictator of Iraq get to Cairo (no pagination). This unholy alliance would continue with the Iran-Iraq war. Now the Hegelian activists of the American power elite wanted to transform Hussein into a future enemy, and Prince Bandar gladly lent his assistance by convincing the Iraqi dictator that he required American aid. Bandar made it possible for the administration to transfer weapons to Iraq through Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Egypt (Unger 65). All of this may have violated the Arms Export Control Act (65). Of course, Bush the elder was later able to use war with Iraq to promote the idea of a “new world order,” which is really just a euphemistic way of referring to a world government based on the principles of oligarchy and elitism.
The cozy relationship between the Bush dynasty and Prince Bandar can also be seen in the current uproar over BAE. BAE’s payments to Bandar were sent to accounts the Saudi Prince controlled at Riggs Bank (“US to probe BAE over corruption,” no pagination). President George W. Bush’s uncle, Jonathan Bush, was an executive at Riggs Bank at the time of the Al Yamamah deal (“Riggs Bank,” no pagination).
BAE’s shady dealings with Prince Bandar painfully illustrate what we can expect in the new world order. The new world order is a system where people in the hallowed halls of officialdom will be able to shake hands with terrorist financiers and criminals. Publicly, the Establishment will always present itself as the defended against crime and terrorism. However, behind the scenes, it will be business as usual.
- “Riggs Bank.” Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia 7 June 2007
- Sale, Richard. “Saddam key in early CIA plot.” UPI 10 April 2003
- Sullivan, Kevin. “Saudi Reportedly Got $2 Billion for British Arms Deal.” Washington Post 8 June 2007
- “The Saudi Money Trail.” MSNBC 2 December 2002
- Unger, Craig. House of Bush, House of Saud. New York: Scribner, 2004.
- “US to probe BAE over corruption.” BBC 26 June 2007
About the Authors
Phillip D. Collins acted as the editor for The Hidden Face of Terrorism and co-authored the book The Ascendancy of the Scientific Dictatorship with his brother Paul Collins. Both books are available at www.amazon.com. Phillip has also written articles for News With Views, Conspiracy Archive, and the Vexilla Regis Journal.
In 1999, Phillip earned an Associate degree of Arts and Science from Clark State Community College. In 2006, he earned a bachelor’s degree with majors in communication studies and liberal studies along with a minor in philosophy from Wright State University.
Phillip worked as a staff writer for a weekly news publication, the Vandalia Drummer, between late 2007 and 2011. During his tenure with the paper, he earned several accolades.
In 2011, he was inducted into the Media Honor Roll by the Ohio School Board Association for his extensive coverage of the Vandalia-Butler School District. That very same year, the Ohio Newspaper Association bestowed an Osman C. Hooper Newspaper Award upon Phillip for Best Photo. In addition, the City of Vandalia officially proclaimed that November 7, 2011 would be known as “Phillip Collins Day.” This honor was bestowed upon Phillip for his tireless coverage of the City and community.
Shortly after bringing his journalism career to a close, Phillip received another Osman C. Hooper Newspaper Award in the category of In-depth Reporting. This award was given to Phillip for his investigative work over the death of U.S. Marine Maria Lauterbach and the resultant Department of Defense reforms concerning sexual assault and rape. The case drew national attention and received TV coverage by major media organs.
Phillip currently works for the Wyoming Department of Corrections, where he earned the distinction of Employee of the Quarter for the third quarter of 2013. Phillip still works as a freelance journalist and is currently collaborating with his brother on a follow-up to The Ascendancy of the Scientific Dictatorship.
Paul David Collins is the author of The Hidden Face of Terrorism and the co-author of The Ascendancy of the Scientific Dictatorship. In 1999, he earned his Associate of Arts and Science degree from Clark State Community College. In 2006, he received his bachelor’s degree with a major in Liberal Studies and a minor in Political Science from Wright State University. He worked as a professional journalist for roughly four years.
From 2008 to 2012, Paul covered local news for several Times Community News publications, including the Enon Messenger, the New Carlisle Sun, the Tipp City Herald, the Kettering/Oakwood Times, the Beavercreek News Current, the Vandalia Drummer, the Springboro Sun, the Englewood Independent, the Fairborn Daily Herald, and the Xenia Daily Gazette.
Paul also wrote for other local papers, including the Enon Eagle, the New Carlisle News, and the Lusk Herald. In addition to his work in the realm of mainstream, Paul has published several articles concerning the topics of deep politics and elite deviancy. Those articles have appeared in Terry Melanson’s online Conspiracy Archive, Paranoia magazine, Vexilla Regis Journal, and Nexus magazine. He currently works as a correctional officer with the Wyoming Department of Corrections.